Know How Your Legislators Are Voting

Montana Conservative Alliance

2023 GOP Legislator Voting Record Analysis

Precise conservative index, based on courage & principle, not politics

Introduction – an Appeal to Principle and Truth

You’ve no doubt seen a number of purportedly “conservative” ratings of legislative voting

records, put forth by various groups. Generally, these indexes mimic the positions of the house

and senate GOP leadership, and not surprisingly, almost all Republican legislators score high.

Is this approach a reliable indicator of true conservatism? We think not. Often, these reports

are very misleading, and help return to office, Republican politicians who are fundamentally not

free market conservatives, and who should be replaced. There is, in fact, a significant

percentage of Republican legislators who are guilty of:

(1) voting with the Democrats to defeat key conservative legislation, with the best bills usually

getting killed in committee. Thus, session after session, the conservative agenda goes nowhere.

(2) introducing a flood of bills that are anti-market, anti-liberty, and that progressively increase the size,

power, cost and interventionism of state and local government. Because these big government

measures are “Republican sponsored,” they stand a much better chance of passage. Republicans who

we think should know better, line up to support their fellow party members. As a result, no matter how

large the GOP majority, state government continues to grow every time the legislature meets.

MCA has always refused to play the “party politics game.” Those who do so only perpetuate the

problem. Our rating system is quite unique – independent of any “party” and totally focused on ideas

and principles rather than on currying favor from appreciative politicians. Let the truth be told,

unapologetically, and trust that an informed citizenry will then be equipped to do the right thing.

When you take a close look at GOP legislative voting patterns, suddenly something screams out at you.

The assumption that most elected Republicans believe and understand the philosophical foundations of

freedom, free markets and constitutional government is simply not true. They may be very nice people,

who “say” conservative things, but if they truly understood the ideas and principles that undergird our

free republic, they simply could not, in good conscience, vote the way they do.

Here are a few illustrations, taken from the current bills. If you’re a reasonably well-read, philosophical

conservative, you’ll have no trouble answering these questions. They all fall under the category of

“when does freedom fail us? When can freedom not be trusted, and government must step in?”

1. Do we need to have government force insurance companies to provide certain kinds of coverage, or

do these companies respond to the demands and “signals” of the marketplace, offering a wide variety of

competitive consumer choices on their own?

2. Do we need to have government induce private companies to do more hiring, through subsidies, tax

credits and other incentives, or are private companies capable of deciding for themselves how many

employees they should have, based on their own risk capital and the actual needs of their operation?

3. Is it sometimes necessary for a government program to step in and assist employers in the cost of

training incumbent or new workers, especially with trade skills, or is worker training a normal private

business expense, and the wisdom of this investment best determined by the company itself?

4. Do we need government licensing of 70 or 80 different professions, trades and other business types,

to ensure quality, safety and to guard against “uncontrolled, excessive and disruptive” market entry, or

do consumers, voting with their dollars in a free and competitive marketplace, do a better job of

deciding what kind and how many businesses should exist?

5. Should government remove all business risks from private monopolies that provide essential services

(like power utilities,) or should monopoly regulation include policies that function like market

competition, providing risk and reward incentives and company accountability to its customers?

For most of us, these and other questions are easily answered. We trust freedom, and do not believe

government is a substitute for the free market and the individual decisions of free people. Yet most of

the Republicans we send to Helena will vote exactly opposite to the way we think on these kinds of basic

issues. Truth be known, most Republican legislators never stop to ask the most fundamental question

for all lawmakers: Is this a proper role and function of government? They view their job as “passing

bills,” and many of those bills are not constitutionally authorized roles and powers of government.

A true conservative, in our view, is not only guided by principle, but is ideologically and philosophically

consistent. Looking at any given bill, a conservative instinctively knows if that measure is based on a

proper and constitutional function of government. He instinctively knows if the bill advances or

diminishes human freedom, and votes accordingly. He doesn’t compromise. Legislation that has “good

intentions” is not good enough. Bills that are “half good and half bad” are bad bills. Period. Push the

red button – even if you are the only one in the room who does.

When the average conservative, pro-liberty score among 101 GOP legislators is 37 percent – meaning

that, based on the index bills MCA carefully selected, the typical Republican legislator voted to defend

your freedom just over one-third of the time – we are led to ask the obvious question: are the

Democrats any more consistent as liberals, than the Republicans are as conservatives? Or perhaps an

even better question is, are the liberal Republicans more consistent and more dedicated to what they

believe than the self-described conservatives? To both forms of the question, the answer is YES!

We have not bothered to score the Democrats in this report, but it’s fair to say that they would average

no more than 5 to 10 percent conservative. That’s being generous. Every single Democrat among 49

legislators would fall under the “statist/left” category. They are ideologically very consistent. But

consider the Republicans, where only 16 out of 101 made it into the conservative zone, while 36 scored

either liberal or far left. Why, then, do liberals vote so philosophically consistent, while the best of

conservatives cannot get scores above 81%?

This constantly vexing question can only be briefly addressed here. But the short answer is this: It is

easy for a politician to be a liberal, and much harder to be a conservative. If you are a liberal

(Republican or Democrat,) you simply accept the assumption that while freedom might be a quaint idea,

when it comes to solving problems, government must step in. You buy into the statist notion that the

purpose of government is to fix what freedom and free people mess up. As a lawmaker, you lock in to

the premise that every problem requires a government response. (Never mind that government

intervention created the problem in the first place.) This elevated view of one’s job is a heady and

prideful experience, that makes a legislator feel extremely important – even indispensable! By

believing that every problem has a government solution, these so-called “solutions” become easy to

vote for. Every recipient of your “generosity” will appreciate you on election day! Not surprisingly, the

left wing of Republican legislators actually even calls itself “The Solutions Caucus.” When the session

ends, these liberals can go home and brag to their constituents about how many government

“solutions” they supported -- while at the same time complaining about the “obstructionists” on the far

right, whose only answer to everything is more freedom and less government. Guilty as charged!

Liberals have no imagination. No ability to dream, since they lack the knowledge of where dreams come

from: the human heart -- not political programs! Because they look only to government, they cannot

comprehend the creative energy of a free society – unplanned by laws and politics. Because the

miracles of freedom are, by their very nature, unpredictable and unplanned, liberals find it impossible to

trust freedom itself. Faith in the free society is faith in the yet unknown and unseen. It is exactly this

faith in the “unseens” of freedom that makes the conservative message much harder to articulate. Faith

in free markets. Faith in free exchange. Faith in the right to property and the right to contract –

unincumbered by government. These are philosophical abstractions that most public schooled

individuals have never heard before. It’s much easier for a voter to hear about some highly visible

government spending program that appears to provide blessings out of thin air, than being required to

contemplate the confiscated wealth that paid for those programs, and imagine what greater good could

have been accomplished if that wealth had been left in the free hands of those who created it. Yes, it is

a much easier sell to be a liberal. Consequently, even the best of the Republican legislators currently

find themselves voting for “government solutions” from time to time, possibly against their own

consciences. Freedom may be spoken rhetorically in the legislature, but very seldom is it truly

understood or boldly asserted.

We don’t wish to imply that having a bad voting record makes you a bad person. It just makes you a bad

legislator. Maybe taking time for personal study into the words of our founding fathers or the works of

great thinkers like Thomas Sowell, Milton Friedman, Friedrich Hayek, Adam Smith and Frederic Bastiat

will provide the enlightenment necessary to turn these men and women into wise lawmakers someday –

assuming they have the public-spirited humility to listen, to learn and to grow. In the meantime, it is

quite evident that they lack the philosophical foundation needed to honor and protect our freedom.

These 33 house votes and 33 senate votes were carefully selected to provide the most accurate picture

possible of who, among the Republicans in our state legislature, are the liberty protectors and who are

the pretenders. In some cases, you will probably be shocked at the degree to which their record does

not match their rhetoric. Our intention is strictly to inform. Once informed, it is entirely up to you,

what action you feel individually called upon to take. The stakes are high, and we all need to do our

part.

Roger Koopman, president, Montana Conservative Alliance

811 S. Tracy Ave., Bozeman, MT 59715 faithfulandfree@protonmail.com

Scorecard Breakdown

60-100: generally conservative, 40-59: centrist, 20-39: generally liberal, under 20: statist/left

STATE SENATE

81 Steve Hinebauch

78 Theresa Manzella

69 Tom McGillvray

65 Daniel Emrich

59 Carl Glimm

53 Becky Beard

53 Forrest Mandeville

53 Mark Noland

50 Dan Bartel

50 Dennis Lenz

50 Keith Regier

50 Barry Usher

47 Ken Bogner

47 John Fuller

44 Bob Brown

44 John Esp

44 Mike Lang

44 Shelley Vance

39 Daniel Zolnikov

38 Greg Hertz

38 Jeremy Trebas

34 Brad Molnar

28 Chris Friedel

28 Jeffrey Welborn

25 Jason Ellsworth

25 Steve Fitzpatrick

22 Russ Tempel

16 Bruce Gillespie

13 Wendy McKamey

13 Terry Vermeire

10 Mike Cuffe

9 Walt Sales

6 Daniel Salomon

0 Jason Small

SENATE REPUBLICAN AVERAGE: 39

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

81 Caleb Hinkle

77 Lola Sheldon-Gallaway

75 Jedidiah Hinkle

69 Paul Fielder

69 Braxton Mitchell

69 Jane Gillette

68 Bob Keenan

66 Terry Falk

66 Lyn Hellegaard

63 Brandon Ler

61 Steven Gallaway

61 Jerry Schillinger

59 Amy Regier

56 Jennifer Carlson

56 Ron Marshall

56 Matt Regier

56 Tanner Smith

55 Fiona Nave

54 Nelly Nicol

53 Rhonda Knudsen

53 Terry Moore

52 Greg Kmetz

50 Bob Phalen

48 Bill Mercer

47 Zack Wirth

44 Neil Duram

42 Sherry Essmann

41 James Bergstrom

41 Lee Deming

41 Steve Gunderson

41 Kerri Seekins-Crowe

39 Joe Read

38 Edward Butcher

31 Katie Zolnikov

29 Jodie Etchart

29 Mike Hopkins

28 Larry Brewster

26 Casey Knudsen

25 Steve Gist

25 Scot Kerns

25 Russel Miner

25 Linda Reksten

25 Sue Vinton

22 Tony Brockman

22 Joshua Kassmier

22 Marty Malone

19 Marta Bertoglio

19 Julie Dooling

19 Greg Oblander

19 Michael Yakawich

16 Gary Parry

16 Wayne Rusk

13 Michele Binkley

13 Llew Jones

13 Courtenay Sprunger

10 Edward Buttrey

9 Fred Anderson

9 David Bedey

9 Ross Fitzgerald

9 John Fitzpatrick

9 Tom Welch

7 Brad Barker

7 Paul Green

6 Denley Loge

6 George Nikalakakos

6 Kenneth Walsh

0 Gregory Fazer

HOUSE REPUBLICAN AVERAGE: 36

AVERAGE, ALL REPUBLICANS: 37

35 Index Bills used in this MCA Scorecard:

House Bills

HB 2 (N)

HB 15 (N)

HB 37 veto OR (Y)

HB 41 (N)

HB 55 (N)

HB 115 (N)

HB 245 (N)

HB 257 (N)

HB 263 (N)

HB 284 (N)

HB 302 (N)

HB 317 (N)

HB 332 (N)

HB 338 (N)

HB 352 (N)

HB 449 (N)

HB 458 (N)

HB 520 (N)

HB 527 (Y)

HB 562 (Y)

HB 601 (N)

HB 648 (N)

HB 652 (Y)

HB 665 (N)

HB 819 (N)

HB 837- blast (Y)

HB 889 (N)

HB 965 (Y)

Senate Bills

SJ 15 (Y)

SJ 29 (N)

SB 337 (Y)

SB 370 (N)

SB 458 (Y)

SB 516 (N)

SB 522 (N)

SB 558 (N)

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